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Utalii, Mali Asili, Uifadhi – Tunanufaikaje?

This Maria Space discussion centers on how we benefit from tourism and natural resources. Citizens state natural resources to be a curse instead of a blessing to the nation. A curse in the sense that the people living close to the reserve areas face a lot of problems. Siting a case of 2000 whereby citizens residing in seven villages were told to evict being told that were they resided were conservation areas. The evicted citizens opened a case at the court of law and in 2009 they won the case but regardless of their victory in court they were still evicted, their herds were taken and their houses were burnt and two people were shot dead by the TANAPA police. Together with winning the case they were not given alternative areas to live nor compensated. At Serengeti there is no clear demarcation showing boundaries of the common land from the conserved area hence people and herds crossing over to the conserved areas are innocently shot. Together with the presence of a law that clearly states that the people are the sole owners of land and its resources, the interest does not base on the people because the same law has provided a loophole which allows the government to sign contracts without informing its citizens. The citizens are arguing the government to inform the citizens living across the reserved areas on the contracts that are being signed so that they can benefit from any dividends or compensation  openly but not using force to evict but also citizens are calling out for a new constitution that will enable and empower them to decide on the use of their natural resources and empower them to hold accountable leaders who misuse the natural resources for their own gains and not that of the people.  SWAHILI VERSION Mjadala huu wa Maria Space ulizungumzia jinsi gani kama Taifa tunanufaika na utalii na mali asili yetu. Wananchi walisema kuwa maliasili imegeuka kuwa laana badala ya Baraka kwa Taifa.  Laana kwa sababu watu wanaoishi katika maeneo ya hifadhi wameonekana kukumbwa na matatizo mengi. Kisa mojawapo ikiwa ya mwaka 2000 ambapo  wananchi wanaoishi katika vijiji saba waliambiwa wahame kwa kuambiwa kuwa sehemu waliyokuwa wakiishi kuwa ni eneo la hifadhi. Watu waliohamishwa walifungua kesi na mwaka 2009 walishinda kesi lakini pamoja na ushindi wao bado walihamishwa, ardhi yao na mifugo ilichukuliwa, nyumba zao zilichomwa moto na watu wao waliuawa kwa risasi na polisi wa TANAPA. Pamoja na kushinda kesi hawakupewa maeneo mbadala wala fidia. Kwa sasa maeneo yeutu ya hifadhi kama Serengeti hakuna mipaka inayotenganisha sehemu ya hifadhi na sehemu ya adhi ya pamoja. Hii hupelekea watu kupoteza maisha yao nay a mifugo yao wanapokatisha maeneo ya hifadhi bila kujua. Pamoja na uwepo wa sheria inayosema wazi kuwa wananchi wa Tanzania ndio wamiliki pekee wa ardhi na rasilimali zake bado maslahi hayatokani na wananchi kwa sababu sheria hiyo hiyo imetoa mianya kwa Serikali kupitisha mikataba ya maliasili bila taarifa yoyote ile kwa wananchi. Wananchi wanaisihi Serikali kuhusisha wananchi wanaoishi sehemu inayozunguka hifadhi  juu ya mikataba iliyosainiwa ili waweze kunifaika nayo kwa uwazi ila sio kwa kutumia nguvu na mabavu kuondoa wananchi kwenye maeneo yao. Wananchi pia wamepaza sauti juu ya uhitaji wa katiba mpya itakayowawezesha kuamua juu ya maumizi ya maliasili yao na kuwachukulia hatua viongozi ambao watatumia vibaya maliasili hizo kwa manufaa yao wenyewe.

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Kwa nini mamlaka ya Rais yapunguzwe katika katiba Mpya?

This Maria Space discussion centered on the need to reduce the power bestowed on the president for a responsible and accountable government. Citizens agreed on the need for a constitution that will protect the president in performing the required responsibilities assigned to him/her by the constitution, but one that will be strict enough to constrain him/her from unlawful acts brought about as a result of his/her human nature but for it to help him/her bring sustainable changes if intentions are genuine. Limitations of the now constitution were explored with one of them being that it shields the president from accountability measures in that citizens can not question the acts or inactions of the government in any court of law even after he/she finishes the term of service. In order to have a president that will work for the people it is important for the constitution to clearly state his/her responsibilities and obligations but also it should state what the president should not do and if he/she does against the constitution should state what should be done (accountability measures). SWAHILI VERSION Mjadala huu wa Maria Space umeangalia hitaji la kupunguza nguvu ya rais ili kupata serikali inayo jituma na kuwajibika. Wananchi walikubaliana juu ya hitaji la katiba mpya ambayo itamlinda rais kutimiza wajibu wake lakini ambayo itamfunga asiweze kutumia madaraka kwa matakwa yake ya kibinadamu lakini imuwezeshe kuleta maendeleo kama kweli amedhamiria. Mapungufu ya Katiba ya sasa yaliongelewa kwa kina moja ya mapungufu hayo ikiwa ni kwamba imemlinda Rais kutokuwajibika kwa matendo aliyoyafanya na ambayo alitakiwa kufanya lakini hakufanya akiwa madarakani na hata akimaliza muda wake. Ili kuwa na Rais ambaye atawatumikia wananchi ni muhimu kwa Katiba kuanisha kwa uwazi majukumu ya Rais na yale ambayo anatakiwa, na kutokufanya lakini bila kusahau hatua zitakazo chukuliwa juu yake endapo atafanya kinyume na hapo.

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Tozo kila kona, Je huduma zimeboreshwa?

This Space features a long and bordering discussion about the volatile nature of the ongoing accumulation of Taxes and Fees that continue to be placed in various sources of money by the government. Citizens continue to complain about the effects of these taxes while many have lamented that the government did not engage its citizens in its plan to introduce these taxes despite the fact that the citizens are the ones who vote to elect the government. Citizens have also seen that there is a need for the government to reduce unnecessary spending in order to reduce expenses rather than increasing exploitative fees on the people. The discussion explored the effects that come about as a result of the increased imposition of taxes and fees especially on social services like electricity that have more than four different taxes and charges that burden citizens. People have also questioned the government stance that the fees collected are sent to development plans but the development that is being talked about is not seen in the community.  The discussion also explored the effects of having citizen representatives who side with the government instead of fighting for the rights of the people. This was seen as a major cause of having repressive policies and bills that cannot be questioned anywhere by the representative bodies. Citizens have called upon fellow citizens to cooperate in making their voices heard against the exploitative policies of the government as its effect is felt to not only a few but to all.  SWAHILI VERSION Katika SPACE hii kulikuwa na mjadala mrefu na mpana kuhusu utozwaji wa kodi mbalimbali katika vyanzo mbalimbali vya wananchi unaofanywa na serikali. Watu wa matabaka mbalimbali waliendelea kulalamika kutokana na madhara yanayosababishwa na kodi hizo zilizo ongezwa, na walilamaika kutokana na ukweli kwamba hawakushirikishwa katika uundaji wa kodi hizo licha ya kuwa wananchi ndio wanawapatiaserikali mamlaka ya nchi kupitia chaguzi. Pia wannachi walipendekeza kuwa kuna haja ya serikali kupunguza gharama za matumizi ili pesa hizo zifanye masuala ya msingi katika maendeleo kuliko kuendelea kuwanyonya wananchi pasipo faida yoyote. Madhara ya ongezeko la kodi hizi ni makubwa hususani kwenye huduma za kijamii kama vile umeme ambao mpaka sasa una zaidi ya kodi nne hii inapelekea kuwa kero kubwa kwa wananchi. Lakini watu walihoji pia kwamba serikali inasema kodi wanazokusanya zinakwenda kufanya maendeleo lakini hayo maendeleo hayaonekani katika jamii zetu. Pia katika space hii watu wamehimiza zaidi uwepo wa ushirikiano baina mwa Watazania wote kwani madhara yatokanayo na sera mbovu za serikali yanawapata watu wote hivyo basi haipaswi kuwaachia watu wachache tu kusema juu yacuovu unaondelea katika jamii zetu. Lakini pia wananchi walisisitiza katika madhara ya kuwa na wawakilishi wao ambao watakaa upande wa serikali badala ya upande wa wananchi kwani hili ndilo suala kubwa linalopelekea hata serikali kupitisha sera na miswada kandamizi ambazo haziwezi kuhojiwa mahala popote na vyombo vya uwakilishi.

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Fahamu Kuhusu Msingi Wa Madaraka Makubwa Ya Rais Katika Nchi Ya Tanzania.

Tulipoingia kwenye mfumo wa urais mwaka 1962 baada ya kupata uhuru mwaka 1961 , hatukuanza maisha tukiwa na Rais, hata wakati wa mkoloni cheo hiki hakikuwepo kabisa kwenye mfumo wa uongozi nchini, huyu kiumbe ni wa mwaka 1962 sio kiumbe wa uhuru Urais ulikuwa baadaye. Tumeingia katika uhuru madaraka ya serikali yalikua chini ya waziri mkuu anayewajibika kwa Bunge, huyu ndiye alikuwa mkuu wa serikali na mtendaji mkuu katika nchi yetu,. Lakini  Bunge kilikua chombo chenye mamlaka makuu ya nchi na Waziri mkuu alikuwa anafanya kazi kwa imani ya Bunge. Waziri mkuu alikuwa anahojiwa na bunge na mambo yote alitakiwa kupitisha bungeni ili atekeleze, japo lilikuwa ni bunge la chama kimoja lakini kulikuwa na upinzani mkali sana ndani ya bunge hilo. Bunge lilikua na mamlaka ya kumuondoa waziri mkuu  likikosa imani naye kwa kumpigia kura ya kutokuwa na imani kama ilivyo Uingereza, India, Ujerumani, Israel, Japan, Uholanzi kama zilivyo nchi nyingine zote zilizoendelea isipokuwa Marekani na Ufaransa. Kwenye masuala yanayohitaji mkuu wa nchi kulikua na Gavana General, tulikuwa bado kwenye himaya ya kiingereza. Huu mfumo wa kibunge ni mfumo wa kiingereza. Kwahiyo tuliingia katika uhuru tukiwa na mfumo huu yaani baada ya Malkia kulikuwa na Gavana Jenerali. Gavana Jenerali alikua mkuu wa nchi asiyekuwa na mamalaka ya kiutendaji, kama alivyo mfalme wa uingereza, Rais wa India, Ujerumani, Israel, Malkia wa nchi yoyote wa Ulaya. Gavana Jenerali alikuwa  head of state na commander in chief kwa jina tu, Mwenye mamlaka ya kiutendaji alikuwa ni waziri mkuu aliyekuwa chini ya Bunge, na kuwajibika kwa bunge. Mambo  yalibadilika baada ya kupata uhuru, kwani Miezi miwili baada ya uhuru mwalimu Nyerere akajiuzuru  ambaye ndio aliyekuwa waziri mkuu. #MwlNyerere alipojiuliza historia tunayofundishwwa mashuleni tunaambiwa kwamba ajiuzulu kwenda kuimarisha Tanu. Tanu mwaka 1962 ilikua na miaka 7 tu, na ilikua imeongoza uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka 1960 sasa TANU ilikua na udhaifu gani wa kumfanya Nyerere ajiuzulu ni propaganda na uongo. Maana TANU ilikuwa imemaliza kushinda uchaguzi haikuwa dhaifu. Kilichomfanya Nyerere kujiuzulu mapema mwaka 1962 miezi michache kabla ya Uhuru kulikuwa na mgogoro mkubwa bungeni juu ya sheria ya Uraia, sheria hii tuliyonayo msingi wake ni mwaka 1962 na kwenye huo mjadala bungeni kulikua na upinzani mkubwa wa wabunge.  Bunge lilikua na Wanachama 81 wa TANU, isipokuwa mmoja tu Mbunge wa Mbulu ambaye Mwl Nyerere na wenzake hawakumpenda wakakataa kumuingiza kama mgombea akaingia kama mgombea binafsi akashinda. Kwenye mjadala wa sheria ya Uraia, Kulikuwa na Upinzani mkubwa Nyerere alisemwa sana na ilimtisha hiyo sheria kupitishwa. Hivyo  akajiuzulu ili kwenda kuandaa mapinduzi ya kikatiba, ili kwenda kuupindua mfumo wa kikatiba unaoipa Bunge mamlaka makubwa. Serikali ya Tanganyika ikawasilisha white paper baada ya Nyerere kujiuzulu  ili Tanganyika iwe Jamhuri  na Nyerere alikwenda kuifanyia kazi.  Hiyo White Paper (waraka mweupe)  ndiyo ilipendekeza Tanganyika iondokane na mfumo wa Waziri mkuu wa kuwajibika Bungeni na ifate mfumo wa Rais kuwa mkuu kiutendaji.   Waraka mweupe ulisema yafuatayo juu ya Rais; waraka ulitengenezwa na Nyerere na alisema hivi,  Kwetu sisi Rais atapewa heshima na hadhi anayopewa chifu  au mfalme au chini ya Jamhuri, Rais kwetu sisi hawezi kutofautishwa na mamlaka aliyokuwa nayo mfalme. Habari ya kutenganisha hadi ya mfalme na madaraka kama ilivyo India au Ujerumani au hizi nchi nyingine hii haifai yani tunataka heshima iwe ya kifalme, madaraka yawe ya kifalme na hadhi iwe ya kifalme hauwezi kuitenganisha yaani kwetu sisi hatuwezi kuyatengenisha. Waingereza wameyatengenisha hadhi na heshima ya mfalme na madaraka aliyonayo kwahiyo sisi tunataka kuunganisha. Maana yake tunataka Rais atakayekuwa na madaraka na heshima kama mfalme. Waraka wa serikali ya Tanganyika mwaka 1962 na ndio unaelezea huyó Rais atakuaje; atakuwa mkuu wa nchi, amiri jeshi mkuu na kiongozi mkuu wa serikali, wateule wote wa vyombo  vya dola watakuwa wateule wa Rais. Waraka wa serikali ya Tanganyika mwaka 1962 unaeleza watu wote walio katika utumishi wa umma wasiokuwa wateule wa Raiss watafanya kazi kwa niaba ya Rais, Tume zote, Majaji na kila mtu aliye katika utumishi wa umma atateuliwa na Rais au atafanya kazi kwa niaba. Waraka wa serikali ya Tanganyika mwaka 1962 unaelezA, Rais atapewa mamlaka ya kinidhamu ya kuamua nani afanye kazi nani aondolewe kazini, atapewa mamlaka ya kuteua wabunge, mamlaka ya kuvunja Bunge ambayo hayakuwepo na kuhutubia bunge wakati wowote. Waraka wa serikali ya Tanganyika mwaka 1962 unaeleza Rais atapitisha miswada ya sheria na kuteua watendaji wakuu wa vyombo vyake ikiwemo bunge na mahakama, mamlaka ya kuamua mpaka mishahara ya wabunge yote hi ni kazi ya Nyerere mwaka 1962. Kulikua na upinzani mikubwa ndani ya Bunge kupitisha waraka mweupe lakini Baadae wakamkubalia sasa tukaingia kwenye Jamhuri. Tumetengeneza katiba toka mwaka 1962, Katiba haikutokea kwa bahati mbaya ni Nyerere alitaka iwe hivyo na alipendekeza na kuetetea uwa haoni tofauti kati ya mfalme na Rais. Badaae alitambua madaraka makubwa aliyokuwa nayo mwaka 1967 akasema hivi “Nina mamlaka ya kuwa dictator akizungumza na gazeti la uingereza la Observer 1967 na mwaka 1978 anazunguzma na BBC akasema vile vile, ukweli ni kwamba aliyataka, aliyatetea na kutengeneza mwenyewe. #MwlNyerere hakuwa mtu wa demokrasia mpaka anaondoka madarakani amekuja kufunguka macho akiwa nje ya ikulu, Nyerere aliweka watu kuzuizini maelfu na maelfu, siku tukiingia madarakani mtajua idadi ya watu wahanga wa utawala wa Nyerere. Lakini pia Nyerere alituunganisha na Zanzibar yeye peke yake, muungano haukutokana na azimio baraza la mawaziri, haukutokana na  Bunge ilikua ni siri, siri yake yeye na wasaidizi wake wachache akiwemo waziri wa usalama wa Taifa Bwana Munaka na mwanasheria wa serikali Bwana Rolland Brown na upande wa Karume alikuwa na yule aliyeambiwa akanyoe ndevu huku nyuma wakasaini mkataba.  Tumetengenezewa mfumo ambao unamtaka Rais atumie utawala wake anavyotaka na kwa kutumia madaraka hayo akapiga marufuku vyama huru vya wafanyakazi mwaka 1964, Akapiga marufuku vyama huru vya ushirika mwaka 1966, Akapiga marufuku serikali mitaa zilizokuwa huru 1972. Nyerere alitumia madaraka yake ya urais akahamisha watu kwa nguvu (opresheni vijiji) 1973 -77 watu zaidi ya milion 8 asilimia 75 walitolewa kwenye maeneo yao kupelekwa katika maeneo yanayoitwa vijiji vya ujamaa. Nyerere alitumia madaraka yake ya urais akatuingiza katika uchumi dola 1967 Azimio la Arusha liliamuliwa kwa bunge gani? Kanyang’anya watu mali zao kwasababu ya Azimio la Arusha, akapiga marufuku vyombo huru vya habari mwaka 1968-69. Tukaanzishiwa Uhuru na Daily news za serikali na Radio ni moja tu Radio Tanzania, akapiga marufuku vyama vya siasa mwaka 1964-65, Tukatengenezewa mfumo wa kidikteta ambao tunahangaika nao sasa hivi. Ni mfumo wa kidikteta uliotengenezwa na mwalimu Nyerere mwaka 1962 tusije tukasahau hilo kwa sababu kumekuwa na jitihada nyingi sana za kumfanya kuwa mtakatifu sio tu wa kisiasa hata wa kidini na watakatifu huwa hawasemi vibaya. Ili tuondokane na huu mfumo wa Nyerere inabidi tukabiliane naye kwenye mijadala kama hii. Haya mambo yamejulikana muda mrefu sana mwaka 1990-91 wakati tunajiandaa kuingia kwenye mfumo wa vyama vingi vya siasa ilikua ni njia ya kukataa ile legacy ya Nyerere, Tume ya Nyalali ilipendekeza mambo mengi ikiwemo kuwa na katiba mpya ya kidemokrasia ukisoma ripoti ya Nyalali ilikua na juzuu 2 zile zilikuwa ni ukosoaji wa mfumo wetu wa kisiasa kama ulivyojengeka toka 1962, angalau kwamba toka 1961 ulikua unajulikana rasmi huu mfumo wa urais wa kifalme umetuumiza inabidi tuondokje nao na toka wakati huo tumejifunza mambo mengi sana, sasa haya mambo yote tulkiyojifunza yameelezwa vyema sana na tume ya warioba, ila kuna jitihada nyingi za kutusahaulisha kazi kubwa iliyo fanywa na Warioba. Katika juzuu zake Tume ya Warioba kuna volume kubwa kuhusu utafiti kuhusu mambo masuala mbalimbali ya kikatiba, katika tafiti hizo utafiti wa kwanza unaitwa utafiti kuhusu madaraka ya Rais wa Jamhuri ya muungano Tanzania, hili ndilo la kwanza walianza nalo kwasababu wanajua hili ndilo shina la matatizo ya watanzania, kuhusu maadili ya viongozi na uwajibikaji, Kuna utafiti unauhusu muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar,  na kuna ushauri elekezi juu ya mifumo ya uchaguzi na tume ya uchaguzi haya ndiyo mambo manne makubwa ambayo tumeilifanyia uchunguzi mahususi. #KatibaMpya #WenyeNchiWananchi

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Report on the audit of utilization of funds issued of funds under the catastrophe.

The IMF Executive Board through a Press Release of 10 June 2020, approved debt relief to Tanzania under the Catastrophe Containment and Relief Trust (CCRT), amounting to USD 25.7 million (equivalent to SDR 18,566,777 or TZS 58,800,009,860) from 10 June 2020 to 30 April 2022. The funds were earmarked to fight adverse impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic by improving the public health sector and mitigating the shocks on the balance of payments brought by the pandemic. The IMF Country report to Tanzania No. 20/203, the Fund Press Release and Letter of Intent from Government of URT to the Fund with Ref. No. CMB.445/624/01 dated 27 May 2020 require the Controller and Auditor General to perform post-audit on the CCRT Fund and publish the audit report. In that regard, I structured my audit to include a review of financial transactions, internal controls and operations to the extent considered necessary for the effective performance of the audit to provide assurance on the appropriate utilisation of funds. The following are key audit matters of my report. I confirmed BOT transferred a total of SDR 18,566,777 (USD 25,700,000) equivalent to TZS 60,465,678,582 being the sum of the total facility provided to the government. The noted increment of TZS 1,801,997,721 (from TZS 58,800,009,860 to TZS 60,465,678,582) is a result of depreciation in exchange rate between TZS and strong currencies (SDR and USD). The Government received the funds through Development Revenue Account 9921139901. The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania allocated the facility funds to Health and Tourism Sectors as required in the facility’s conditions. In the Health sector, funds were directed to National Public Health Laboratory (NPHL) to acquire the necessary facilities to enhance the testing of COVID 19 and to establish a center for oxygen production at Benjamin Mkapa Hospital. In the tourism sector funds were directed to provide budget support in terms of salaries, other charges and financing of infrastructure projects to government entities involved directly in the sector which were experiencing a significant loss in revenues due to the pandemic. I confirmed completeness in transferring and receiving CCRT funds between Treasury, Parent Ministries and Implementing Agencies. I audited the utilization of funds in all Implementing Agencies, for which I reviewed financial transactions, procurement processes and contracts and performed physical verification of assets. The following is the summary of key audit findings and recommendations. Details are reflected in the body of this report. A. Health Sector Lack of contract between MoH and MSD for procured non-catalogue items I noted that items ordered by MoH from MSD for NPHL were non catalogue items. As such, the Ministry was required to have a special contract with MSD to ensure effective execution and supervision of the tender. However, MoH could not provide a specific contract with MSD on the procured items but explained the reliance on the existing general MOU. Recommendation I recommend that the Management of MoH enhance contract management by ensuring the signing of special contracts with MSD whenever specific procurement of non-catalogue items is involved. Weaknesses noted in procurement process of the Contractor for installation, commissioning and training of oxygen medical plant Review of contract No. PA/148/2020-2021/P/26 for the supply, installation, commissioning, and training of oxygen medical plant entered into by Benjamin Mkapa Hospital and Ozcan Kardesler Tip cihazlari Ltd Sti (The Manufacturer), noted that, the management provided two extensions to the contractor without documenting justifiable reason to which extension was requested and granted. This is contrary to Regulation 110(2) of Public Procurement Regulations, 2013. Further, I also noted that respective performance bond and advance payment guarantee were not extended to match the granted time extensions, contrary to the Special Conditions of underlying Contracts. I recommend that Management ensure in future; (a) Extensions are properly requested by contractors with justification, and Project Managers analyse the mentioned reasons with evidence and correctly determine the time extension to be granted; and (b) Contractors and Suppliers submit extended or new securities to cover the contract extension granted. B. Tourism Sector Inadequate utilisation of development funds As of 17 March 2022, TANAPA and NCAA had unutilised fund balance from development projects of TZS 2,367,536,799 (17%) and TZS 6,124,242,713 (63%) respectively. The challenges were mainly attributed to delays in obtaining approval for reallocation of funds and retendering of tenders. I recommend that Implementing Agencies ensure disbursed funds are utilised for the intended projects and at the right time. Delayed delivery of products and completion of projects I noted the delays in completing construction works in TANAPA, NCAA, and TAWA. Seven projects worth TZS 6,124,242,713.29 in NCAA were not implemented as of 15 March 2022. Construction of NAABI entrance and exit gates was delayed for twenty-seven (27) months in TANAPA. Also, the construction of the Tourism lounge and rest banda by TAWA has been delayed for three and seven months respectively. Further, I noted that TAWA requested GPSA to procure nine (9) vehicles, Toyota Land Cruiser Hard Top-LX at TZS 1,393,819,344.54. Full payment was made on 4 May 2021; however, as of the time of audit on 16 March 2022, four vehicles worth TZS 619,475,264 were yet to be delivered to TAWA. Likewise, I noted that TANAPA deposited TZS 894,539,725 to Tanzania Wildlife Protection Fund (TWPF) account on 30 June 2020 to acquire arms and ammunitions intended to enhance the defence and security of the National Parks. As of 18 March 2022, when the audit was conducted, being twenty-one (21) months since the funds were deposited in the TWPF account, no delivery of arms had been made. Delayed construction and delivery of products in all cases are attributed to the impact of COVID 19 pandemic on suppliers/contractors’ operations. I recommend that Implementing Agencies liaise with responsible Government institutions to ensure timely delivery of the required products to attain the intended objectives. Challenges noted in the implementation of infrastructural development projects My audit on funds that were disbursed for development projects in the tourism sector mainly to improve tourism infrastructures noted the following weaknesses; inadequate design and specification of projects, implementation of projects without feasibility studies, lack of as-built drawings, inappropriate change management controls and insufficient supervision of projects. The weaknesses were attributed to shortfalls in the management of projects. I recommend that the Management of Implementing Agencies enhance controls to improve the supervision of development projects. 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#KatibaMpya Jana na Leo – Jenerali Ulimwengu  

Jeshi la polisi ni chombo muhimu sana katika nchi hasa katika kulinda amani, demokrasia na utawala bora, Jeshi la polisi lina wajibu wa kulinda wananchi pale wanapokuwa na hoja ya kuwasilisha kwa wananchi kupitia maandamano, hii ni haki ya msingi sana na imewekwa katika misingi ya sheria zetu yaani Katiba.Wananchi wana haki ya kufikisha malalamiko au hoja za kwa viongozi, namna ya kuwasilisha hoja hizo inaweza kuwa maandamano ya amani, sheria zetu zinaruhusu namna hii ya hisia au mfumo katika kuwasilisha maoni, lakini tumekuwa na uzoefu tofauti sana sana hasa kutokana na matendo ya jeshi la polisi, wao kazi yao nimekuwa ni kuzuia tu, wamekuwa na akili ya aina moja tu ya kuzuia bila kuangalia umuhimu wa wananchi kuwa na nafasi kuwasilisha malalamiko yao. Kama wananchi watakuwa na fursa ya kuwasilisha malalamiko au maoni yao kwa viongozi, ndivyo pia wataweza kuwa na hali ya kusifia au kupongeza viongozi wao. Haya mambo yanaendena sana na ni muhimu yote kwa pamoja yakaheshimika   “Polisi hawana uzoefu wa kuratibu maandamano ya namna yoyote kwa muda wa miaka mitano iwe anapongeza au anakosoa huwezi kupata hiyo nafasi. Hii sio sawa kwa Taifa kuwa na polisi na namna hii. 2016 Magufuli alisema Demokrasia kwake yeye ni kuwajengea watu miundombinu kama  barabara, ili waweze kusafirisha mazao na tukampigia makofi na kweli akaanza kujenga mpaka vitu vingine ambavyo hatujui vinatusaiudia walipa kodi. Magufuli alipiga marufuku vyama vya siasa na alisema wazi kuwa kufikia 2020 hakutokuwa na upinzani Tanzania na kweli 2020 tuliona jinsi ambavyo upinzani uliondolewa Magufuli alipiga marufuku sio upinzani tu hata shughuli za kisiasa ndani ya chama chake mwenyewe hakuna shughuli za kiasa pale katika ccm zinazoendelea isipokuwa ni shughuli zinzohusika na mambo ya kiserikali na kiutawala tu. Imefika 2015 alipoingia Magufuli anachokita yeye ndio inakuwa sera ya nchi, sera ya chama na sera ya serikali kwa hiyo Magufuli ndio alikuwa anaamua. N aipata hii nguvu kutokana na mapungufu makubwa yaliyoko katika katiba yetu ambayo imempa Rais madaraka makubwa zaidi, Hivyo akitokea mtu mwenye sifa kama za Rais magufuli haya ndio matokea yake. Rais Magufuli kweli alikuwa ni Rais mbaya na hilo wala sitaki kuomba radhi kwa yeyote yule. Rais Magufuli hakufaa kuwa Rais wa nchi yetu na alitufanyia mambo mabaya sana mpaka leo tunaumia kwa sababu mambo aliyoyaacha, na mpaka leo hakuna aliyeyagusa kuna watu wamekaa nayo tu kama vile wamemeza bangi, wanaogopa kuyasema wazi, ili iwe fundisho kwa wengine. Kuna watu wanamsifia hasa kwa kusema alikuwa anapambana na rushwa, sas msiniambie kuwa alikuwa anapambana na rushwa kwa sababu mtu anayepambana na rushwa hawezi akazuia magazeti yote lakini pia akazuia bunge ili wannachi wasifahamu yanayoendelea. Mtu anayepambana na rushwa anahitaji sana msaada wa vyombo vya habari vimsaidie kufichua maovu yote, anahitaji sanaa masaada wa bunge huru la kumpa taarifa nini kinatokea nchini kote, sasa kama yeye alikuwa anapambana na Rushwa kwa nini azuie vyombo ambavyo ni msaada kwake katika mapambano na rushwa? Wale aliowatuma Magufuli kuzima vyombo vya habari bado wako serikalini na sisi tunawafahamu siwezi kumsahau Dr Abbasi, huyu alichangia kuhakikisha vyombo vya habari havifanyi kazi kabisa. Watu kama hawa hawafai kupewa nafasi za kutuongoza kwa sababu hawana nia njema na nchi yetu isipokuwa wapo kwa ajili ya watawala tu. Tunasikia za chini chini kuwa CCM wataanzisha machakato wa katiba mpya kwa ukubwa lakini matarajio yao yakiwa sio 2025 sasa watu wa aina hii ukiwaamini wewe unakuwa mjinga. Unakuwa ni mjinga kama ukipingana na kila kitu anachosema mpinzani wako, lakini vilevile unakuwa ni bwege kama kila kitu anachokisema mpinzani wako unakichukulia kama ni ukweli. Tusiwaamini na tuendelee kupambana kuhakikisha tunapata katiba mpya nzuri inayotokana na maoni halali ya Wananchi. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=97p-sSqHykQ #MariaSpaces #WenyeNchiWananchi #KatibaMpya 

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Requests for disbursement under the rapid credit facility and purchase under the rapid financing instrument.

In the context of the Requests for Disbursement Under the Rapid Credit Facility and Purchase Under the Rapid Financing Instrument, the following documents have been released and are included in this package: • A Press Release including a statement by the Chair of the Executive Board. • The Staff Report prepared by a staff team of the IMF for the Executive Board’s consideration on September 7, 2021, following discussions that ended on July 16, 2021, with the officials of the United Republic of Tanzania on economic developments and policies underpinning the IMF arrangement under the Rapid Credit Facility. Based on information available at the time of these discussions, the staff report was completed on August 20, 2021. • A Debt Sustainability Analysis prepared by the staffs of the IMF and the International Development Association (IDA). • A Statement by the Executive Director for the United Republic of Tanzania. The IMF’s transparency policy allows for the deletion of market-sensitive information and premature disclosure of the authorities’ policy intentions in published staff reports and other documents. IMF Executive Board Approves US$567.25 Million in Emergency Support to Tanzania to Address the COVID-19 Pandemic FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE • The COVID-19 outbreak has led to the collapse of the tourism sector and amplified the need for significant financing to tackle the health and economic effects of the pandemic. • The IMF approved US$567.25 million in emergency financial assistance under the Rapid Credit Facility and Rapid Financing Instrument to support the authorities’ efforts in responding to the pandemic by addressing the urgent health, humanitarian, and economic costs. The resources are also expected to play a catalytic role in their efforts to mobilize additional support from development partners. • The authorities also commit to strengthening governance and transparency to ensure that the financial resources are efficiently spent on addressing the crisis. Washington, DC – September 7, 2021: The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) today approved a disbursement of SDR132.6 million (US$189.08 million) under the Rapid Credit Facility (RCF) and a purchase equivalent to SDR265.2 million (US$378.17 million) under the Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI), a total of SDR397.8 million (US$567.25 million or 100 percent of quota). This emergency financing will help finance Tanzania’s urgent balance of payment needs stemming from the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Tanzania’s economic outlook has deteriorated due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. With the collapse in tourism in the wake of travel restrictions, the economy reportedly decelerated to 4.8 percent growth in 2020, and growth is expected to remain subdued in 2021.Tanzania faces an urgent balance of payment need of about 1.5 percent of GDP as the authorities implement a comprehensive plan to mitigate the effects of the pandemic and preserve macroeconomic stability in the face of a reported third wave of the virus. The disbursement under the RCF and purchase under the RFI will help finance the interventions needed to mitigate the severe socio-economic impacts of the pandemic and help catalyze support from development partners. The authorities have indicated that they are committed to pursuing economic policies appropriate for addressing the impact of the pandemic and are committed to strengthening coordination and transparency to ensure that RCF and RFI resources are spent on fighting the pandemic. These measures include publishing reports of RCF and RFI resources spent and undertaking a post-crisis audit of all pandemic-related spending. Following the Executive Board’s discussion, Mr. Bo Li, Deputy Managing Director and Chair, issued the following statement: “The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively impacted Tanzania’s macroeconomic outlook, and the health and wellbeing of its population. Growth decelerated in 2020 and is expected to remain subdued in 2021, increasing poverty and negatively affecting employment. Tanzania’s risk of external and public debt distress increased to moderate, mainly due to the pandemic’s effect on tourism exports. Tanzania’s macroeconomic outlook hinges on satisfactorily addressing the pandemic, but significant downside risks remain due to uncertainties surrounding the course of the pandemic. “The authorities are implementing a comprehensive pandemic response plan—Tanzania COVID-19 Socioeconomic Response Plan (TCRP) —to address the fallout of the COVID-19 shock. Tanzania requires urgent financial assistance to implement the plan and avert the severe health, social and economic consequences of a reported third wave of the virus. Emergency support under the Rapid Credit Facility and Rapid Financing Instrument will substantially contribute to filling immediate external financing needs and help catalyze donor support. Temporarily loosening macroeconomic and financial policies will mitigate the pandemic’s adverse impact, by deploying a vaccination campaign, increasing health and social spending, and supporting the private sector. Prioritizing the health response, strengthening coordination and transparency to ensure that funds received are spent on fighting the pandemic, and regularly and transparently reporting epidemiological data will be critical for the plan’s success. “Maintaining fiscal and debt sustainability, and preserving financial stability, while supporting the economy, will also be important. Closely monitoring the banking system’s health in light of increased banking sector vulnerabilities will be key. “Once the crisis abates, the authorities appropriately intend to resume implementing reforms to achieve sustainable and inclusive growth. Their broader policy and reform agenda includes fiscal reforms to avoid domestic arrears and pay tax refunds on time, increasing support for education and health spending, and improvements to the business climate.”

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Utawala wa sheria Loliondo na Ngorongoro

Leo nitazungumza kuhusu sheria uhifadhi ya wanyama pori ya mwaka 2009 ambayo kwayo hii amri ya kutenga maeneo mawili ya wilaya ya Ngorongoro yaliyopo katika eneo la Loliondo kuwa ni maeneo ya udhibiti wa wanyama pori, sio mapori tengefu ya wanyapori, nitaelezea tofauti kati ya haya maneno mawili.  Kwasababu yana umuhimu mkubwa sana na baadae swali ambalo najiuliza nitataka kulijibu ni kwamba ‘Hili tangazo la haya maeneo mawili ya Loliondo kuwa maeneo ya udhibiti ya wanyamapori ni halali au ni hamaramu kama kawaida ya mambo ya Tanzania ya CCM. Nikiuliza swali hilo nahisi wengi mnajua jibu langu ya kwamba, kilichotangazwa ni haramu tupu kwa mujibu wa sheria ya wanyama pori, mkihisi hivyo mtakua hamjanikosea. Kwanza nianze kwa kusema yale ambayo ni fact zisizokuwa na mgogoro wowote yaani yale ambayo hayana ubishani, hakuna ubishani sasa kwasababu tuna ushahidi sasa kwamba wiki iliyopita tarehe 17 ya mwezi huu waziri wa maliasili na utalii na maliasili, Mh Pindi Chana ametoa amri inayoitwa amri ya kutangaza eneo la udhibiti wa wanyamapori linaloitwa POLORETI Haya maeneo mwili yaliotengwa kwa ujumla yake yanaitwa POLORETI GAME CONTROL AREA Haya maeneo mawili kwa ujumla wake limetangazwa tarehe 17 June ya mwaka huu yani wiki iliyopita na limetangaza kisheria kwa kuchapishwa kwa gazeti la serikali linaloitwa namba 221 la 17 June 2022 hili halina ubishi. Kuna kitu kingine hakina ubishi kwamba kwa mujibu wa tangazo hili eneo ambalo limetengwa lina ukubwa wa km za mraba 1952. Tumekuwa tukiambiwa na waziri mkuu na hili ni muhimu kwa sababu waziri mkuu wetu ni muongo, sasa waziri mkuu wetu na serikali nzima wametuambia eneo linalotengwa ni km za mraba 1500 ukweli usiokuwa na shaka na ushahidi wake ni tangazo lenyewe ni kwamba eneo linalochukuliwa ni km 1952.   Kuna KM 1502 za mraba za eneo la kwanza ambalo linapakana na hifadhi ya serengeti, kun aeneo la pili ambalo hawalisemi kabisa lipo chini mwa Lake Natron, eneo unalolipita ukienda Loliondo hili eneo lina ukubwa wa km 450 kwa hiyo jumla ya eneo lote ambalo zilizotangazwa ni km 1952 na sio km 1500 ambazo tumeaminishwa, na serikali ya uongo ambayo inasema Rais Magufuli anafanya kazi ofisini kumbe amekufa huo ni uongo. Na mpaka sasa sijui ni kwanini Rais Samia anasubri nini kumfukuza kazi Kasimu Majaliwa, mtu ambaye anaidharaulisha serikali nzima na chama kwa uongo. La tatu ni kwamba hili eneo ni eneo la udhibiti wa wanyama pori sio eneo tengefu la wanyapori, kisheria hili eneo sio game reserve bali ni  game control area, maana ya kuwa game control na game reserve ni nini? eneo tengefu la wanyapori ni eneo ambalo linatangazwa na Rais kwa kushauriana na halmashauri za serikali za mitaa wa maeneo husika na kutangazwa kwenye gazeti la serikali, eneo la udhibiti linatangazwa na waziri baada ya kushauriana na halmashauri za serikali za mitaa wa maeneo husika.  Hili lililotangazawa ni Eneo la  udhibiti wa wanyamapori, tofauti muhimu zaidi ni kwamba ukitangaza eneo kuwa eneo tengefu la wanyama pori kwa mujibu wa sheria eneo hilo linaondolewa mikononi mwa wananchi na ndio maana katika sheria ya wanyamapori imelekeza kwamba eneo likitangazwa kuwa game reserve ni lazima wananchi walipwe fidia ya haki na kutekelezwa na sheria imesema iwalipe fidia kwa mujibu wa sheria za ardhi, mpaka kufanya tathmini na kulipwa fidia ya haki timilifu na ya wakati muafaka. Kwenye Maeneo ya udhibiti kwenye haya maeneo ambayo yametangazwa sasa, hakuna masharti yoyote ya kulipa mtu fidia, swali ni kwanini. Jibu lake ni kwamba sheria hii imepiga marufuku kutangaza eneo la ardhi ya vijiji, unaweza kutangaza katika eneo ambalo sio ardhi ya vijiji tu. Kwa waliomsikiliza mbunge wa Ngorongoro jana amenikosha sana amezungumza hoja nzuri sana na mwenye mawasiliano yao anifikishie pongezi zangu. Hoja ya mbunge wa Ngorongoro jana ni kwamba hilo eneo mnaloliita eneo tengefu ni eneo la vijiji kwa hiyo huwezi ukatangaza Maeneo ya udhibiti   kwenye eneo la vijiji. Kuna vijiji zaidi ya 14 na watu tumewaona kwenye picha sasa kilichofanywa na Dkt Pindi Chana na ninaambiwa ana PHD ya Sheria, Miaka kumi iliyopita kuna siku nilisema “Waliozoea vya kunyonga vya kuchinja hawaviwezi, walio zoea kufanya haramu halali hawaiwezi”.  Wamekuwa wanasema waziri mkuu muongo, tulikua na waziri anaitwa Sospeter Muhongo sasa tuna waziri mkuu anaitwa Majaliwa Muongo. Waziri mkuu na wapambe wake wote waliounga mkono haya ya Serikali ya huyu anayeitwa mama, wengi wanasema hili eneo linatengwa kwa ajili ya uhifadhi sasa hoja yangu ya nne ni kwamba hakuna uhifadhi wowote ule eneo hili linatengwa kwa ajili ya uwindaji, Kwenye maeneo yaliyotengwa kama game reserve au kama Maeneo ya udhibiti  moja ufugaji umepigwa marufuku iwe ni kwenye Maeneo tengefu ya wanyama pori  au Maeneo ya udhibiti. Kumbuka kwenye Maeneo tengefu ya wanyama pori watu wanalipwa fidia na wanaondoka na hawawezi kutangaza katika eneo la vijiji peke yake kwa maana hiyo watu hawawezi kwenda kuchunga kwasababu sio eneo lao. Kwahiyo katika maeneo yote mawili kuchunga wanyama kumepigwa marufuku, kwenye maeneo tengefu ya wanyamapori imepigwa marufuku kabisa na kwenye Maeneo ya udhibiti  ni marufuku mpaka upate kibali cha maandishi kwa mkurugenzi wa wanyama pori kwahiyo mmasai akitaka kuchunga ni lazima aende Dar es salaam au Dodoma kwenye ofisi ya mkurugenzi wa  wanyamapori kuomba kibali.  Hata hivyo uwindaji kwa mujibu wa kifungo cha 20 (2) uchomaji, kukamata wanyama, kuua, kujeruhi, kuvua samaki imeruhusiwa kama umepata leseni ya mkurugenzi wa wanyama pori, haya maeneo mawili wamesema yametengwa kwa ajili ya uhifadhi ni uongo yametengwa kwa ajili ya uwindaji. Kwa Sababu sheria inasema uwindaji uchomaji, kukamata wanyama, kuua wanyama, kujeruhi, au kusumbua wanyama au samaki inaruhusiwa kama umepata kibali cha mkurugenzi wa wanyama pori na serikali yao ndio wanafanya biashara kubwa na makampuni yanayokuja kuwinda ya kitalii kwa kutumia vifungu hivi, kwahiyo haya  maeneo mawili yamepokonywa kwa wananchi ili yagaiwe kwa wawindaji wa kitalii sio kwa ajili ya kutengwa kwa uhifadhi. Kulikuwa na maneno mengine kwamba haya ni mazalia ya wanyama hii habari nayo ni ya uongo kwa sababu maeneo yanayotengwa kwa ajili ya mazalia ya wanyama yanaitwa “Breeding and disposal area” kwenye sheria na utaratibu wa kuyatenga upo tofauti na huu ambao amezungumza huyu waziri wa sheria Dkt Pindi Chana. Kwahiyo hayajatengwa kwa ajili ya mazalia ya wanyama bali uwindaji kwasababu ni maeneo yanayoruhusu uwindaji, kuua wanyama kujereuhi wanyama na kusumbua wanyama au samaki. Vile vile haya ni maeneo ambayo endapo kukagundulika madini yanaweza kutengwa kwa ajili ya uchimbaji wa madini kwasababu sheria imesema maeneo haya uchimbaji wa mafuta, gesi asilia, au urani unaruhusiwa baada ya kufanyika kwa masharti ya kimazingira na taratibu nyingine kama kulipa ushuru.  Kumbukeni kwa wale wafatiliaji wa madini moja ya maeneo yaliyogundulika kuna madini ya oil exploration ni bonde la Natron na hizi km 450 za maeneo haya kuna eneo la magharibi linalopakana na Serengeti national park na eneo la mashariki linalokaribia Lake Natron, nafikiri litakuwa sehemu ya lake Natron ambalo ni eneo mojawapo lililotengwa kwa ajili ya oil exploration block kwa taarifa zangu za miaka ya nyuma Lake Natron ni eneo ambalo lilitengwa na TPDC.  Waziri wa maliasili na utalii alipewa mamlaka ya kutangaza maeneo ambayo zamani yalikuwa ni game Control Area kwa sheria ya 1951 kama ilivyobadilishwa na sheria 1974, anataka yaendelee kuwa Game Control Area. Kabla ya sheria hii ya sasa kutungwa sheria iliyokuwa inatumika ni ya mwaka 1974 (Wildlife conservation Areas act ) Na kabla ya mwaka 1974 sheria iliyokuwa inaitwa FAUNA PROTECTION ORDINANCE, Kwahiyo haya maeneo yamekuwa Game Control Area yakayuhishwa  na wakoloni mpaka mwaka 1974 na yakaendelea kuwa Game Control Area mpaka 2009.  Ilipotungwa sheria ya sasa kwenye kifungu cha 16 inasema waziri anatakiwa atangaze ni maeneo gani yaliyokuwa Game Control Areas anataka yaendelea kuwa hivyo. Kwa hiyo hakukuwa na muendelezo wa haya maneno, kuna mbunge mmoja alizungumza alisema kwamba haya maeneo yalikuwa Game Control Area toka 1951 chini ya sheria ya fauna, na yakaacha kuwa Game Control Area mwaka 2009 kwasababu sheria hii mpya ilimtaka waziri ndani ya  mwaka mmoja tu ya kutangaza kuwa ni maeneo yapi anataka yaendeleee kuwa Game Control Area, alipewa mwaka mmoja tu. Sasa waziri ametangaza hili eneo wiki iliyopita yaani miaka 12 baada ya muda wa kutangaza kupita, sasa kwenye sheria zetu za ardhi ukinyanganywa ardhi miaka 12 usiipoidai sio ya kwako tena.  Waziri alipewa mwaka mmoja tu akalalia haki yake kwa miaka 12 imekula kwake, alichokifanya wiki iliyopita ni haramu tupu na hana mamlaka ya kutangaza eneo kuwa Game Control Area.  Kwa mamlaka aliyopewa mwaka 2009 na hana mamlaka ya kutangaza maneno ya ardhi ya vijiji kuwa Game Control Area, walizoea vya kunyonga vya kuchinja hawaviwezi, waliozoea vya haramu vya halali hawaviwezi, hii ni serikali ya kunyonganyonga tu, ushahidi ni huu hapo sijauliza kwamba kulifanyika mashauriano kati ya waziri na halmashauri ya vijiji kuhusu hayo makubaliano kwa vile wamewakamata viongozi wa vijiji nahisi hakukuwa na mashaurinao nao.  Naomba nipendekeze jambo la haraka sana, nawaombeni sana tafuteni watu (wananchi) waliopo katika hilo eneo kupendekeza maombi ya Judicial Review yapelekwe mahakama kuu kanda ya Arusha, mkaombe amri ya mahakama ya Certiorari kufuta hili tangazo la waziri kwa  hoja ya kwamba Waziri hana mamlaka ya kutangaza haya maeneo kuwa Game Control Area, Kwa Sababu ni ardhi ya vijiji na pili mamlaka yake yaliisha mwaka 2009 kwa sababu mamlaka yake yalikua ya mwaka mmoja tu na yaliiisha mwaka 2010. Hili tangazo kwa jinsi nilivyo fundishwa na Profesa shivji na marehemu prof, Mwaikusa ni kwamba hili Tangazo la Dr Pindi Chana mwenyekiti wangu wa amani wa kamati ya sheria na katiba bungeni ni tangazo ambalo ni ULTRA VIRES Wildlife Conservation Area act, Ni tangazo lililotungwa nje ya mamlaka ya sheria ya wanyamapori.  Pelekeni hiyo application ya judicial review na tuta piga kelele kweli kweli ili Majaji wajue kwamba tunaangalia kwa macho yote kwa chochote watakachofanya, kisheria tu hili tangazo haliwezi kudumu nusu saa kwa hoja za Kibatala na Mtobesya na timu yao. Kwahiyo nawaombeni sana wanasheria wa Ngorongoro na vijana mnaonisikiliza kwa sababu ni ardhi yenu jitokezni muwe wadai katika hiyo hiyo application itakayopelekwa Arusha kusikilizwa.   #StopMaasaiEviction #ChangeTanzania

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The Search For Volcanic Heat Sources In Tanzania: A Helium Isotope Perspective

Tanzania is characterized by unique volcanoes. Most of those volcanoes are located within the eastern and western branches of the Cenozoic East African Rift. Latest helium and neon isotope investigations of lavas and xenoliths are indicating a super-plume beneath East Africa (Halldórsson et al. 2014). Additionally, to the distinction between plume and non-plume related volcanism, helium isotope analyses are a versatile tool for relating geothermal resources to any type of volcanic heat source. In Tanzania there are several distinct areas with significant geothermal surface manifestations: (i) Mwanza region in the N, (ii) Arusha region in the NE, (iii) Dodoma region in central Tanzania, (iv) Dar es Salaam region in the E, (v) Kigoma region in the W and (vi) Mbeya region in the SW. Helium isotope data of Ruhoi hot spring in E Tanzania does not show any indications of a volcanic heat source in contrast to Ngozi-Songwe geothermal system in SW Tanzania (Kraml et al. 2014a, b). In N Tanzania (data this study) the normalized 3He/4He ratio (R/Ra) of the Kogaja mineralized spring indicates crustal helium. Also the Maji Moto hot spring is characterized by non-volcanic gas as indicated by the carbon isotopic composition of CO2. In NE Tanzania the R/Ra values of Ol Doinyo Lengai fumaroles indicates a mantle composition (Fisher et al. 2009, Barry et al. 2013). The Isotopic composition of Lake Natron hot springs (Barry et al. 2013) is dominated by crustal helium but show a small but significant mantle component due to the proximity to Ol Doinyo Lengai, whereas R/Ra of Lake Manyara hot spring (Pik et al. 2006) indicates crustal helium. In W Tanzania noble gas isotope data is only available for Lake Rukwa area (Pik et al. 2006; Danabalan et al. 2016) indicating crustal compositions. Hydrothermal emanations at the floor of Lake Tanganyika (D.R.C.) are characterized by a magmatic carbon isotopic composition of CO2 (Botz & Stoffers 1993). The implications of a crustal or magmatic helium and/or carbon isotopic composition (and supporting evidence) are discussed concerning the existence of viable geothermal heat sources at individual sites of major Tanzanian geothermal areas. 1. INTRODUCTION Tanzania is characterized by unique volcanoes like (i) Ol Doinyo Lengai, the only active carbonatite volcano, (ii) Kilimanjaro, the highest African volcano (5895 m) with a glacier on top, (iii) Ngorongoro Crater, the world's largest, intact, and unfilled volcanic caldera and (iv) Igwizi Hills, the youngest Kimberlite on earth. Most of those volcanoes are located within the eastern and western branch of the Cenozoic East African Rift. However, Igwizi Hills volcano is situated in the middle of the Tanzanian craton. Latest helium and neon isotope investigations of lavas and xenoliths (in conjunction with seismic tomography and Sr-Nd-Pb isotope studies) indicate a super-plume beneath East Africa (Halldórsson et al. 2014). Additionally, to the distinction between plume and non-plume related volcanism, helium isotope analysis is a versatile tool for relating geothermal resources to any type of volcanic heat source. Isotopic ratios of noble gases (3He/4He, 40Ar/36Ar) are very useful to determine the source of the gases, because they are unaffected by fractionation during degassing of the magma (Fischer et al. 2009). Also, noble gas isotope analyses are especially useful in case of blind geothermal systems (e.g. Dobson et al. 2015; Kraml et al. 2016). In case of samples from hot springs, the residence time of the fluid within the (Precambrian) earth crust will cause an addition of radiogenic helium (4He) altering the ratio towards more crustal compositions. Therefore, the interpretation of fluid helium isotope data is not as straightforward as 3He/4He ratios of primary lavas lacking crustal contamination. However, this apparent disadvantage can be turned into an advantage: Within the TRACE research project in the Upper Rhine (non-magmatic) Rift, Germany we have found indications for a relation of residence time and permeability at depth, i.e. the shorter the residence time ( high 3He/4He ratios) the higher the permeability (Kraml et al. 2016). In Tanzania are several distinct areas with significant geothermal surface manifestations: (i) N Tanzania (Mwanza region) e.g. Maji Moto hot spring within the Precambrian Tanzania Craton, (ii) NE Tanzania (Arusha region) e.g. Lake Natron hot springs near Ol Doinyo Lengai within the eastern branch of the East African Rift System (EARS), (iii) central Tanzania e.g. Lake Balangida hot springs within the Manyara-Dodoma segment of the EARS (eastern branch), (iv) E Tanzania (Dar es Salaam region) e.g. Ruhoi hot spring within a sedimentary coastal basin, (v) W Tanzania (Kigoma region) e.g. Uvinza saline springs within the Precambrian basement and (vi) SW Tanzania (Mbeya region) e.g. Songwe hot springs downstream of Ngozi volcano within the western branch of the EARS. The interpretation of helium isotope data from E and SW Tanzania was already published by Kraml et al. (2014a, b). In this paper, only the implications of the helium isotopic composition for the existence of viable geothermal heat sources are discussed for the individual sites of the remaining Tanzanian geothermal areas considering further e.g., petrologic supporting evidence…...

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Makala Juu ya Yanayoendelea Ngorongoro

Changamoto katika maneno ya uhifadhi ni za muda mrefu sana, Ngorongoro ni moja ya eneo ambalo limekuwa na matatizo hayo. Kwa ujumla mahali popote ambapo kuna maeneo ambayo yametengwa kwa ajili ya uhifadhi ukienda  ndani yake au pembeni yake kuna migogoro mikubwa.  Japo sheria ziko wazi kuhusu shughuli za binadamu na haki ya wana vijiji wa maeneo hayo kwamba wapewa kipaumbele dhidi ya wananyama, lakini uzoefu unaonyesha tofauti ni kwamba serikali imekuwa ikitoa kipaumbele kwa wanyama dhidi ya binadamu pale mgogoro unapozuka, mbaya zaidi ni ili suala jipya toka miaka ya 1992 ambapo wawekezaji upewa kipaumbele zaidi kuliwa wananchi wa eneo husika, Loliondo ni mfano nzuri kwa uzoefu huu. Nchi yetu theluthi moja ya ardhi yake  iko katika eneo la uhifadhi, hata hivyo matatizo mbalimbali ya kihifadhi ni janga la la muda mrefu na wananchi katika makazi hayo wanakumbana na changamoto mbalimbali zinazopelekea kukandamizwa kwa haki zao za msingi. Kihistoria Mgogoro wa Loliondo ulianza mwaka 1954 japo kuanzia 1951 kulikuwa na mvutano sana kutoka kwa mashirika ya kigeni ya kikoloni ambayo yalihitaji wananchi wafukuzwe katika hifadhi ili liwe eneo kwa ajili ya utalii. Hivi karibuni Kwa maelezo ya Mkuu wa Mkoa wa Arusha alisema Loliondo ni mali ya serikali toka mwaka 1951 kwa ajili ya uhifadhi lakini  kuna kesi mahamani, kuna zuio la mahakama mpaka msingi itakapofanyiwa maamuzi, serikali imevamia na kuchukua 1500 ambayo ni sehemu ya 4000 za mgogoro. “Tunaendelea na zoezi la kuweka mipaka katika eneo la pori tengefu la loliondo ambalo ni km za mraba 1500, na kwa mujibu wa sheria ni km za mraba 4000” Alisema mkuu wa mkoa wa Arusha. Tarehe 10 juni 2022, msafara wa magari ya polisi zaidi ya 50 yalikwenda Loliondo na siku iliyofata polisi hao waliwavamia wakazi wa maeneo hayo na kuwapiga, na kuwajeruhi na kupelekea kifo cha askari mmoja wa Jeshi la Polisi. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=51QkVBjQKaM   Wakati haya yanayoendelea kumeibuka mijadala mbalimbali juu ya chanzo cha migogoro hii inayotokea ndani ya hifadhi hizi. Wakazi mbalimbali wa maeneo ya Loliondo wamekiri wazi kwamba serikali inahitaji kuanzisha Loliondo kama Game Control na hili ni jambo ambalo limeanza kwa muda mrefu pasipo mafanikio katika maeneo hayo.  Mwaka 1951 zilitangazwa hifadhi nyingi kuwa game control ares lakini Loliondo haikuwa mojawapo kati ya hizo zilizotangazwa. Hata hivyo ili hifadhi ipitishwe kuwa Eneo la pori tengefu kwa mujibu wa Sheria ya Uhifadhi, Waziri wa Maliasili na Utalii kwa kushirikiana na serikali ya mtaa, baraza la madiwani wanatakiwa wapitie upya kisha watangaze hizo game control ambazo zina sifa husika Na sifa mojawapo isiwe ardhi ya vijiji. Kwa sasa Loliondo ni Ardhi ya vijiji kwa mantiki hiyo basi kinachofanyika kwa muda huu ni kuwaondoa watu ili ibaki ardhi tupu bila binadamu iweze  kukidhi kuwa Game Control area. Makundi mengi yamekuwa ya kishambuliwa kuhusu kuongelea na kutoa taarifa juu yanayoendelea Loliondo. Na serikali imekuwa ikipotosha na kusema hakuna jambo lolote linaloendelea Ngorongoro na kuwa kuna amani na utulivu na haya yalithibitishwa na Waziri mkuu bungeni Tarehe 10 June 2022 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hRmE1vebmoI  na Spika wa Bunge akawaonya watu wanaotuma taarifa mtandaoni juu yanayoendelea Loliondo na akaagiza wachukuliwe hatua. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1UwqWxos3pw  Na hata hivyo Serikali kupitia mabalozi wake katika nchi mbalimbali wamekuwa wakipotosha wazi juu ya ukweli unaoendelea katika maeneo hayo ya Loliondo. https://twitter.com/NavayaoleNdasko/status/1537526198623948800 Hata hivyo makundi ya viongozi wakiwemo Wabunge 3 wa CCM akiwemo mbunge wa Ngorongoro,Emmanuel Oleshangai,Prof Kitila Mkumbo na Christopher Ole Sendeka walihojiwa na polisi kwa tuhuma za Kufanya uchochezi,kupanga njama na wananchi wasitii maagizo ya Serikali Loliondo.  Ambapo Tarehe 15 June 2022 Mbunge Kitila Mkumbo alithibitisha kuwa yupo salama baada ya kuhojiwa na vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama.  https://twitter.com/MariaSTsehai/status/1537064038307446785?s=20&t=dU7Nuz0xwNNctE2aJ2N5sw “Tarehe 6 mwezi June, 2022  watendaji katika mamlaka za ngorongoro wote waliitwa Karatu kisha wakaambiwa waje na mihuri, kuna watu wanadhani watatumia watendaji wa vijiji kwenda mahakamani kwahiyo wanawapora  mihuri” Mkazi wa Loliondo Joseph Oleshangay Aliongezea katika Mjadala wa #MariaSpace katika mtandao wa Twitter. #StopMaasaiEviction #ChangeTanzania  Hata hivyo balozi mbalimbali zimekuwa zikihoji juu ya machafuko yanayoendelea Loliondo ambapo Tarehe 16 Juni 2022 Balozi wa Marekani Nchini alikuwa na kikao na Waziri mkuu kujadili masuala yanayoendelea Loliondo      https://twitter.com/usambtanzania/status/1537392375772872704?s=21&t=_Hgj7KSIubW00csvPFSZHg Mashirika mbalimbali ya haki za binadamu yamepinga vikali juu ya suala la kuhamishwa na kunyanyaswa kwa wananchi wa loliondo, Amnesty International kupitia Deprose Muchena, ambaye ni mkurugenzi wa shirika hilo kwa ukanda wa Mashariki na Kusini mwa Afrika alisema “Uhamisho huu wa kulazimishwa usio halali unashtua katika kiwango chake na ukatili wake. Mamlaka za Tanzania hazipaswi kamwe kutenga eneo hili kwa biashara ya kibinafsi bila kwanza kushauriana na jamii ya Wamasai, ambao maisha yao yanategemea ardhi ya mababu zao. Iwapo unyakuzi huu wa ardhi utaendelea, maisha na njia ya maisha ya jamii ya Wamasai iko hatarini,” https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/06/tanzania-halt-brutal-security-operation-in-loliondo/  Umoja wa mataifa (UN) umeitaka serikali kuondoa maafisa wake wa usalama Loliondo ili kukomesha ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu na unyanyasaji unaodaiwa kufanyika katika eneo hilo ili kuruhusu waandishi wa habari, wanasheria, waangalizi wa haki za binadamu na asasi za kiraia kuingia Loliondo, kuzungumza na Wamasai walioathirika na kuripoti hali hiyo bila vitisho. https://www.bbc.com/swahili/habari-61817677?at_custom4=1F3F7F00-ED23-11EC-A401-8F5A0EDC252D&at_campaign=64&at_custom2=twitter&at_medium=custom7&at_custom3=BBC+Swahili&at_custom1=%5Bpost+type%5D  #StopMaasaiEviction  #StopMaasaiLandGrabbing

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Mahakama ya mfutia Sabaya kifungo cha miaka 30 Jela.

Mahakama ya mfutia Sa kifungo cha miaka 30, kutokana na makosa ya Unyang'anyi na kupora kwa kutumia silaha The appellants, Lengai Ole Sabaya, Sylvester Wenceslaus Nyegu and Daniel Gabriel Mbura, appeared before the Resident Magistrate’s Court of Arusha at Arusha where they were arraigned for three counts of armed robbery, contrary to section 287A of the Penal Code [Cap. 16, R.E. 2019]. In the first count, the prosecution alleged that, on the 9th day of February, 2021, at Bondeni Street within the City, District and Region of Arusha, the appellants did steal cash money amounting to Tshs. 2,760,000, the property of Mohamed Saad and that, immediately before and after such stealing, they assaulted Numan Jasin, Hajirini Saad Hajirin, Bakari Rahibu Msangi, Salim Hassan and Ally Shaban and used a gun to threaten them in order to obtain and retain the said property.In the particulars of offence of the second count, it was stated that, on the 9th day of February, 2021, at Bondeni Street within the City, District and Region of Arusha, the appellants did steal cash money amounting to 390,000, the property of Bakari Rahibu Msangi and that immediately before and after such stealing, they handcuffed, assaulted and used a gun to threaten him in order to obtain and retain the said property........

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Sakata la Kupotea kwa wakili Peter Madeleka.

Kuna taarifa za kuaminika za kutekwa kwa mwanasheria Peter Madeleka alipokuwa akitoka Serena hotel. Taarifa kutoka kwa wakili wake (ambaye mpaka sasa ajaonana na mteja wake) zinasema Madeleka aliitwa na watu waliokuwa wamesimama pembeni ya gari hapo Serena Hotel, alipokwenda kuwasikiliza walimshinikiza kuingia kwenye gari ambayo haikuwa na namba zozote ( gari hili haijulikani ilikuwaje likaruhusiwa kwa maegesho ya hotel ya kimataifa kama serena). Je Hotel ilikuwa inajua huu mkakati wa utekaji ambao haukuwa na hati ya mashitaka lakini wakaruhusu tukio kufanyika kwenye eneo la hotel? Walijiridhisha vipi kwamba hao walikuwa ni maafisa wa serikali ? Inakuwaje kwenye hotel yenye wageni magari na watu wasio na sare za kazi wanaruhusiwa kuendesha operation zao za giza?  Baada ya muda Peter Madeleka alipiga simu kueleza kwamba yuko Wizara ya Mambo ya Ndani amekamatwa na kupelekwa hapo. Mwanasheria wake alikwenda hapo wizarani akiwa na dawa lakini hakufanikiwa kumuona kutokana na kuzungushwa sana na maafisa wa polisi. Baadaye aliambiwa aondoke mteja wake yuko salama na kesho yake asubuhi alielezewa kwamba ingekuwa sawa kwenda kumuona, Wakili wa Madeleka alipofika hapo asubuhi hiyo maafisa wa polisi kwanza walisema hawana cha kusema lakini labda bosi wao wa mambo ya makosa ya mitandao, walipokwenda kumuona alisema hana taarifa atafutatilia wakapeana namba za simu kwa mawasiliano. Waliposhuka chini na kuuliza wale askari wakajibu kwamba walichanganya jina mtu waliyenaye sio Peter Madeleka, Wanasheria waliposema huyo Peter waliyenaye ni sawa wawapeleke watamwakilisha hata huyo, polisi walikosa majibu na kukataa kuwapa ushirikiano wowote.  Baada ya kelele mtandao polisi walisema wako naye katika kituo cha Kikuu cha Polisi Dar es salaam, kwamba anashikiriwa kwa kwa makosa ya kutuhumu Jeshi la Uhamiaji kutaka kufanya jaribio la kumuua. Hii ni kutokana na yeye kuendesha mjadala wa namna VIZA fake zinavyotolewa na jeshi hilo katika viwanja vya ndege. Madeleka alitweet na kusema group la Whatsapp la maafisa wa uhamiaji linafanya mikakati hiyo, badala ya kupata ulinzi amekamatwa kwa kosa la kusema usalama wake uko hatarini. Pamoja na kwamba ameshikiliwa na Jeshi la Polisi (ukamataji ukiwa umefanywa kwa namna ya kuteka ) mpaka sasa hakuna kituo cha polisi kimekiri kufanya tukio hilo, lakini pia Jeshi la polisi liko kimya wakati masaa 48 yakiwa yamepita ambapo kisheria hii ni sawa na mtu mzima kupotea kama hajapatikana kwa masaa 48.  Kulikuwa na taarifa kutoka kwa wanafamilia kwamba polisi wamezunguka nyumba yake huko Arusha na baadaye kufika kwenye ofisi yake hapo Arusha kwa ukaguzi. Mpaka sasa Jeshi hili halijatoa taarifa rasmi ni nini hasa wanatafuta au kukiri kwamba wamemshilikia Madeleka.  Serikali ya awamu ya sita inajipambanua kinyume na matendo kama haya lakini chini kwa chini yanafanyika na vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama kuficha taarifa, polisi wanapokamata mtu kinyume na taratibu ni utekaji na ni kosa la jinai, hakuna afisa wa serikali kwenye ofisi yoyote ile ana haki ya kufanya utekaji. Madeleka aliwahi kuwa afisa katika jeshi la polisi, ni mtu mwenye ufahamu na weledi wa mambo ya VIZA na namna mifumo imekuwa ikichezewa, kitendo cha kukamatwa kwake baada ya yeye kuwa na mipango ya kuzungumzia suala hili inaweka utata mkubwa sana na kuthibitisha madai yake, kwamba kuna ufisadi wa makusudi kwenye mifumo ya viza. Kwa kawaida raia anapokamatwa anatakiwa kupelekwa katika kituo cha polisi cha karibu na kuandikishwa. Utekaji wa namna hii umefanyika sana wakati wa awamu ya tano, tunaona awamu ya sita pia ikitumia njia hizo hizo kwa watu inaotofautiana nao.  #FreeMadeleka #ChangeTanzania

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Kuna taarifa za kuaminika kutekwa kwa mwanasheria Peter Madeleka hapo Serena hotel…….!!

Kuna taarifa za kuaminika kutekwa kwa mwanasheria Peter Madeleka hapo Serena hotel, amekekwa na watu wanaoshukiwa kuwa ni askari wasio na uniform na kutoweka nayeNdugu wa Peter Madeleka wameenda Central wanaambiwa hayupo. Wanaelekea SealanderMadeleka ametekwa na askari waliovaa kiraia na kupotea naye,Haya mambo walifanyika kwa Freeman Mbowe huko Mwanza, Tunaona yanaendelea kwa Watanzania wengine Serikali ya awamu ya sita inajipambanua kinyuma na matendo kama haya lakini chini kwa chini yanafanyika Madeleka aliwahi kuwa afisa katika jeshi la polisi, Kosa lake ni kuelezea kuhusu VISA fake ambazo zinatolea Airport , alipanda kuongea na waandishi wa habari kuelezea namn haya mambo yanafanyika, Siku mbili zilizopita alilalamika kwamba Jeshi la Uhamiaji kupitia group lake la WhatssApp walikuwa wakipanga mipango ya kumuua, Leo ametekwa na hapatikani mahali popote pale, hapatikani katika vituo vyote vya polisi ambavyo ndugu zake wameanda kumtafuta,Kwa kawaida raia anapokamatwa anatakiwa kupelekwa katika kituo cha polisi cha karibu na kuandikishwa. Utekaji wa namna hii umefanyika sana wakati wa awamu ya tano, tunaona awamu ya sita pia ikitumia njia hizo hizo kwa watu inaotofautiana nao#FreeMadeleka ChangeTanzania

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Guidelines On How to Enable Pregnant School Girls to Continue with Their Studies.

The Education and Training Policy (ETP) of 1995 which is currently under review among others things, emphasizes on access and equity to quality education to all so as to have Tanzanians who are highly educated, knowledgeable, skilled and culturally mature to handle national and international challenges in various political and social economic fields and as well as empower them to contribute in growth of national economy. Thus, the policy acknowledges, promotes and advocates deliberate moves which aim at assuring that girls are not denied the right of access to quality education. This is due to the fact that they are among the disadvantaged groups due to customary and cultural constraints and stereotypes.

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Hukumu ya kesi ya Freeman Mbowe na wenzake katika shauri namba 3 mwaka 2020 katika mahakama ya Haki ya Afrika Mashariki.

Mwenyekiti wa Chadema Freeman Mbowe na wenzake watatu Zitto Kabwe, Hashim Rungwe na hayati Maalim Seif walifungua kesi Wakati wa awamu ya tano katika serikali ya hayati Rais  Magufuli, utawala ambao ulijitahidi kutumia kila aina ya sheria kuhakikisha wanafifisha maendeleo ya kimekrasia katika nchi yetu. Wakati wa utawala wa awamu ya tano sheria nyingi zilibadilishwa ili kufifisha maendeleo ya demokrasia katika nchi yetu na moja ya sheria iliyobadilishwa ni sheria ya vyama vya siasa (sheria namba 5 ya mwaka 1992 na mabadiliko yake ) ili kupunguza uhuru wa kidemokrasia, uhuru wa kujumuika kwa watanzania na kufanya siasa. Sheria hiyo ambayo ilitiwa saini na aliyekuwa rais wa taifa hilo , John Pombe Magufuli mwezi Februari mwaka 2019 na kuchapishwa katika gazeti la serikali.  Sheria hiyo mpya ilikuja na vipengele ambavyo vilikuwa vinawanyima haki viongozi na wanachama . Baada ya kuona haki haipatikani katika mahakama za Tanzania viongozi hawa wa vyama vya upinzani wakaona haja ya kwenda katika mahakama ya Haki ya Afrika Mashariki (EACJ)  kufungua kesi ili sheria hiyo iangaliwe. kwa sababu pia sheria hiyo ya vyama vya siasa waliona inavunja mojawapo ya mkataba wa Afrika Mashariki ambao unaelezea kwa kirefu nchi zote mwanachama wa Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki wanavyopaswa kuendesha mambo yao ya kidemokrasia katika nchi zao. Lengo la kesi hiyo kulingana na Mwenyekiti wa Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, Freeman Mbowe ni kwamba sheria hiyo mpya iliwekwa kupitia kubadili na kuongeza baadhi ya vifungu ambavyo vinakiuka lengo la kuanzisha ushirikiano wa jumuiya ya Afrika mashariki. Katika kesi hiyo Jaji alisoma vipengele kadhaa  vya kisheria ambavo vilitumiwa na waleta maombi. Vipengele ambavyo vinalalamikiwa kwenye sheria ya vyama vya siasa ni pamoja na kifungu kinachompa Msajili wa vyama vya siasa kuingilia wakati wowote shughuli za chama cha siasaKifungu kinachompa mamlaka msajili awe na mamlaka ya kuingilia mafunzo mbalimbali ya vyama vya siasa. Kifungu kinachompa msajili mamlaka ya kuingilia uongozi wa chama cha siasa.Kifungu kinachompa msajili kumsimamisha uanachama mwanachama yeyote kushiriki shughuli za kisiasa Vifungu vyote hivi vinakiuka misingi ya utawala bora, misingi ya kidemokrasia na inakiuka    mkataba wa EAC. Hivo waleta maombi wanaomba mahakama hii itamke kuwa sheria hiyo ni batili na mahakama hii itoe amri kuwapa kila aina ya nafuu ya kisheria. Mjibu maombi alijibu kuwa kifungu hiki kinalenga kufanya serikali itambue, ijue kila tukio linalofanywa na vyama vya siasa, Na kwamba Mahakama hii inaona kuwa kifungu hiki kinakiuka mkataba wa EAC. Section 9, Kifungu hiki kinampa msajili mamlaka ya kuchukua orodha ya wanachama/viongozi kutoka kwa vyama vya siasa kwa muda wowote atakaona unafaa. Pia kifungu hiki kinazuia mafunzo ya ukakamavu kwa wanachama wake, mafunzo yoyote au kuunda vikosi kama green guard etc. Kuhusu kifungu cha tisa cha orodha ya wanachama au viongozi waleta maombi wanasema kifungu hiki kipo shallow mno. Kinatoa haki upande mmoja na kuichukua kwa upande mwingine, jambo ambalo ni hatari kwa ustawi wa chama cha siasa. Kifungu hiki kinaweza kutumiwa vibaya na msajili Hata hivo mjibu maombi alisema kuwa kifungu hakina shida kabisa na kinatekelezeka bika tatizo lolote Waleta maombi wanasema kuwa ni  sheria kusema kuwa maamuzi yafanywe tu na mikutano mikuu ni kuzuia haki hiyo ya kuungana. Section 15; Waleta maombi wanalalamika Kifungu hiki ambacho kinahusu vyama kuungana kuwa kinakiuka haki ya kukusanyika kwa kuwa kinakosa uhalali hasa kwa kuwa kifungu kinataka muungano uwe tu wakati wa uchaguzi Yaani vyama vinaweza tu kuungana wakati wa uchaguzi mkuu. Hii ni kinyume cha haki ya kukusanyika Kifungu hiki kinataka uamuzi wa vyama kuungana ufanywe na mikutano mikuu ya vyama vya siasa! Na ufanywe miezi mitatu kabla ya uchaguzi. Section 29, Kifungu hiki kinasema mtu yeyote atakayekiuka sheria hii atapigwa faini ya milioni moja ambayo haitazidi milioni 10 au kifungo kisichozidi mwaka.  Chama cha siasa kikiuka sheria hii kinaweza kupigwa faini hadi milioni 30 au kufutwa. Msajili ana mamlaka ya kuandika kusudio la kufuta chama cha siasa kitakachokiuka sheria hii na ataandika kusudio hilo kwa wanachama. Hata hivo mjibu maombi anasema kuwa kifungu hiki kimezingatia utawala bora na hakijakiuka mkataba. Waleta maombi wanasema msajili kuwa na mamlaka ya kuadhibu mwanachama/kiongozi na chama chenyewe ni kuminya haki ya ustawi wa vyama vya siasa Pamoja na kukiuka haki ya kushiriki katika demokrasia kwa wanachama/wananchi. Ni sheria katili inayompa mamlaka ya kiimla Msajili. Mahakama ya Haki ya Afrika Mashariki (EACJ) ilideclare kuwa sheria ya vyama vya siasa inakiuka vifungu vya mkataba sehemu 6d 72 ya Jumuiya ya Afrika na kuamuru serikali ya Tanzania kurekebisha Sheria ya vyama vya siasa, ili iondoe vifungu vinavyokiuka mkataba ulioianzisha Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki (EAC), hukumu iliyotolewa kuhusu kesi iliyofunguliwa na wanasiasa wapinzani. In the East African Court of Justice at Arusha first Instance division. http://changetanzania.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/In-the-East-African-Court-of-Justice-at-Arusha-first-Instance-division.pdf

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In the East African Court of Justice at Arusha first Instance division.

The fundamental principles that shall govern the achievement of the objectives of the Community by the Partner States shall include:-

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Tukiwa Tunaadhimisha Wiki ya Sheria, Tuwafikirie Wanaoendelea Kusota Gerezani Bila Kutiwa Hatiani.

iki ya Sheria ni jambo la kawaida kwa wadau wa sheria kwa kuwa inachukuliwa kama sehemu ya utamaduni wa kila mwaka. Ni la kawaida kwa sababu hata huduma za kisheria zinazotolewa katika wiki hii zimeelekea zaidi kutimiza wajibu, na pengine kujinadi baina ya wadau wa sheria, kuliko kufanya tathmini na uvumbuzi wa majibu ya changamoto sugu zinazoikumba tasnia ya sheria chini Tanzania kwa sasa. Kwa upande mwingine, wiki hii ni muhimu sana kwa mahabusu walioko magerezani. Sikuwahi kufahamu umuhimu wa siku hii kwa mahabusu hadi kipindi kama hiki mwaka 2020 nikiwa gerezani Segerea. Niliona shauku na matarajio ya mahabusu wenzangu kufahamu kitakachojiri siku ya kilele cha Wiki ya Sheria, na muelekeo wa Mahakama kwa mwaka huo. Waliitazamia sana hotuba ya Jaji Mkuu na Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania kwa matarajio makubwa. Mwaka huu, Wiki ya Sheria imeadhimishwa tena kuanzia Januari 23 hadi Februari 2, 2022. Nilishiriki kwa kutoa msaada wa kisheria katika viwanja vya Mahakama ya Hakimu Mkazi, Kisutu, jijini Dar es Salaam. Kama nilivyotangulia kusema, wiki hii kwa wadau inamaanisha kuendeleza utamaduni zaidi wa kutatua changamoto. Eneo la Kisutu, kwa vyovyote vile, huwezi kutegemea kukutana na umma. Idadi ya watu waliofika kupata huduma iliakisi mtazamo wangu. Ilifaa waandaaji wa Wiki ya Sheria wawafikirie zaidi wanufaika na kuwasogezea huduma kuliko kujificha Kisutu. Hii ni mada ya makala nyengine. Miaka 12 gerezani bila kutiwa hatiani Ninafahamu kwamba siku ya kilele cha Wiki ya Sheria, ambapo viongozi watatoa hotuba, mahabusu wataketi kwenye redio na televisheni siku nzima kusikia majibu ya maswali yao. Moja ya swali sugu ambalo mahabusu wanaishi nalo bila majibu ni upatikanaji wa vikao. Hii ni kwa mahabusu na pia wafungwa, mathalani walioko Gereza la Ukonga, wanaosubiri vikao Mahakama ya Rufani. Shauku yao kuu ni kusikilizwa. Ukiambiwa mtu amekaa miaka sita hadi 12 gerezani bila kutiwa hatiani utaona ni nadharia. Lakini wapo. Hizi hapa ni baadhi tu ya kesi za muda mrefu, ambazo mahabusu wake wako Gereza la Segerea: “Mahakama haina fungu la kuendesha vikao,” ni jibu wanalopewa kila wakati watuhumiwa hawa wakihoji kuhusu vikao. Je, hotuba za viongozi katika kilele cha Wiki ya Sheria zitajibu maswali ya mahabusu na wadau wa sheria na haki jinai? Matarajio yangu ni hafifu! Serikali, Mahakama zitimize wajibu wao Kwa kuwa uelewa wa mahabusu ni kwamba Mahakama haina fungu la kuendesha vikao, na kwa kuwa ukweli ni kwamba fedha za uendeshaji wa kesi zinatolewa na Serikali, basi Serikali itimize wajibu wake, na Mahakama vivyo hivyo. Watu walioko magerezani ambao haki yao haimaanishi kuachiwa tu, bali kusikilizwa, na kupata matokeo kwa wakati, wapewe kipaumbele. Hakuna lugha nyingine ya kuelezea mfumo wetu wa haki jinai zaidi ya kusema tuko njia panda! Pia, sababu nyingine zote za ucheleweshwaji wa kesi zitatuliwe. Kwa mfano, upelelezi usiokoma; mamlaka yaliyopitiliza kwa waendesha mashitaka kiasi cha kuiongoza Mahakama; zuio la dhamana; na changamoto za miundombinu, ikiwemo Mahakama mtandao. Nashauri, kama nchi, tuwe na mfumo wa dhamana kwa makosa yote ya jinai. Mahakama irejeshewe mamlaka ya kuamua haki ya dhamana kwa kuangalia mazingira ya kesi husika kama ilivyokuwa hapo zamani. Tutaondokana na kadhia ya kutesa watu magerezani muda mrefu bila hatia kwa kudhibiti upelelezi, kuruhusu dhamana, na kuruhusu Mahakama ifanye kazi yake bila vikwazo kutoka mihimili mingine. Tito Magoti ni mwanasheria na mwanaharakati wa haki za binadamu kutoka Kituo cha Sheria na Haki za Binadamu (LHRC). Unaweza kumpata kupitia anuani yake ya barua pepe titomagoti@gmail.com au kupitia Twitter kama @TitoMagoti. Haya ni maoni binafsi ya mwandishi na si lazima yaakisi mtazamo wa The Chanzo Initiative. Ungepanda kuchapisha kwenye safu hii? Wasiliana na wahariri wetu kupitia editor@thechanzo.com.

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UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet noted that in Tanzania there has been a “growing trend of democratic repression…

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet noted that in Tanzania there has been a "growing trend of democratic repression and civil rights, a situation that is further undermining the human rights environment". "NEC reinstates 15 in parliamentary race, dismisses 40 appeals: National Electoral Commission (NEC) has reinstated 15 parliamentary candidates who were initially sidelined as ineligible. They were reinstated after appealing against their exclusion. NEC said in a statement released yesterday and signed by director of elections Wilson Mahera that the commission rejected 40 appeals filed by disqualified parliamentary candidates." CHADEMA in Serengeti zones said earlier today that they have received a notice of the removal of CHADEMA flags and the beating of leaders in areas where the CCM Presidential Candidate John Pombe Magufuli is expected to pass for campaign today, " the areas of Mwigumbi Kishapu, Maswa, on the eve of Leo Bariadi Parliamentary Candidate was attacked for the purpose of forcing him to withdraw from the Candidate" says CHADEMA statement through Twitter account Tanzania 76 ACT Wazalendo parliamentary candidates, out of 218, have been disqualified by election officers in constituencies. 40 were not nominated and 36 ( 22 in mainland,14 in Zanzibar ) disqualified through ridiculous objections. ACT and CHADEMA has vowed and called for MASS ACTION "Top NGO miss out on election observer election list, this Include Tanzania Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalitions (THRDC), Tanzania Election Monitoring Commitee (TEMCO). Only 245 local NGO has been allowed to provide Voters education (civic education). NonGovernmental Organizations (NGOs) have been left behind in a list of 96 local institutions approved by the National Electoral Commission (NEC) to oversee the 2020 General Elections. The big names missing in the list include the Tanzania Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), the Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) and the Tanzania Constitution Forum (TCF). " "Mbeya Urban office was set on fire tonight by unknown assailants. This happened hours after Tundu A Lissu arrival in Mbeya City to seek guarantors for his presidential nomination. This also follows the burning of Chadema's Northern Region office in Arusha last week." News Source:

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Sahihi70 and Tegeta Escrow

Sahihi70 campaign was a petition aimed at Prime Minister Mr Mizengo Panda, the intension was to pressure a government to take action against corrupt officials and abuse of power following the CAG report, and the petition was a collective effort with members of parliament from ruling party and opposition. According to Parliamentary regulations, 70 members of parliament need to sign a petition to table a motion for vote of no confidence against Prime Minister and if two thirds of the Parliament votes and agrees to it, it leads to the dissolution of the cabinet. ChangeTanzania did online campaign to raise awareness about good governance and called on citizens to call their Members of Parliament. The government took action against some of the mentioned public officials including the Energy Permanent Secretary. We had a similar petition on The Tegeta Escrow saga and had a petition plus the hashtag #BringBackOurMoney

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